《告別演說》

《告別演說》

1796年9月17日,喬治·華盛頓在華盛頓的卸任演講。

作者簡介

喬治·華盛頓喬治·華盛頓

中文名:喬治·華盛頓外文名:GeorgeWashington
國籍:美國
出生地:維吉尼亞州威斯特摩蘭縣
出生日期:1732年2月22日
逝世日期:1799年12月14日
職業:政治家軍事家
信仰:美國聖公會
主要成就:領導美國獨立,主持制憲會議。
身高:187cm
喬治·華盛頓是美國首任總統(1789~1797年),美國獨立戰爭大陸軍總司令。1789年,當選為美國第一任總統,1793年連任,在兩屆任期結束後,他自願放棄權力不再續任,隱退於弗農山莊園。華盛頓被尊稱為美國國父,學者們則將他和亞伯拉罕·林肯並列為美國歷史上最偉大的總統。

英文原稿

GEORGEWASHINGTON'SFAREWELLADDRESS
TothePeopleoftheUnitedStates.
FRIENDSANDFELLOW-CITIZENS:
Theperiodforanewelectionofacitizen,toadministertheexecutivegovernmentoftheUnitedStates,beingnotfardistant,andthetimeactuallyarrived,whenyourthoughtsmustbeemployeddesignatingtheperson,whoistobeclothedwiththatimportanttrust,itappearstomeproper,especiallyasitmayconducetoamoredistinctexpressionofthepublicvoice,thatIshouldnowapprizeyouoftheresolutionIhaveformed,todeclinebeingconsideredamongthenumberofthoseoutofwhomachoiceistobemade.

Ibegyouatthesametimetodomethejusticetobeassuredthatthisresolutionhasnotbeentakenwithoutastrictregardtoalltheconsiderationsappertainingtotherelationwhichbindsadutifulcitizentohiscountry;andthatinwithdrawingthetenderofservice,whichsilenceinmysituationmightimply,Iaminfluencedbynodiminutionofzealforyourfutureinterest,nodeficiencyofgratefulrespectforyourpastkindness,butamsupportedbyafullconvictionthatthestepiscompatiblewithboth.

Theacceptanceof,andcontinuancehithertoin,theofficetowhichyoursuffrageshavetwicecalledme,havebeenauniformsacrificeofinclinationtotheopinionofduty,andtoadeferenceforwhatappearedtobeyourdesire.Iconstantlyhoped,thatitwouldhavebeenmuchearlierinmypower,consistentlywithmotives,whichIwasnotatlibertytodisregard,toreturntothatretirement,fromwhichIhadbeenreluctantlydrawn.Thestrengthofmyinclinationtodothis,previoustothelastelection,hadevenledtothepreparationofanaddresstodeclareittoyou;butmaturereflectiononthethenperplexedandcriticalpostureofouraffairswithforeignnations,andtheunanimousadviceofpersonsentitledtomyconfidenceimpelledmetoabandontheidea.

Irejoice,thatthestateofyourconcerns,externalaswellasinternal,nolongerrendersthepursuitofinclinationincompatiblewiththesentimentofduty,orpropriety;andampersuaded,whateverpartialitymayberetainedformyservices,that,inthepresentcircumstancesofourcountry,youwillnotdisapprovemydeterminationtoretire.

Theimpressions,withwhichIfirstundertookthearduoustrust,wereexplainedontheproperoccasion.Inthedischargeofthistrust,Iwillonlysay,thatIhave,withgoodintentions,contributedtowardstheorganizationandadministrationofthegovernmentthebestexertionsofwhichaveryfalliblejudgmentwascapable.Notunconscious,intheoutset,oftheinferiorityofmyqualifications,experienceinmyowneyes,perhapsstillmoreintheeyesofothers,hasstrengthenedthemotivestodiffidenceofmyself;andeverydaytheincreasingweightofyearsadmonishesmemoreandmore,thattheshadeofretirementisasnecessarytomeasitwillbewelcome.Satisfied,that,ifanycircumstanceshavegivenpeculiarvaluetomyservices,theyweretemporary,Ihavetheconsolationtobelieve,that,whilechoiceandprudenceinvitemetoquitthepoliticalscene,patriotismdoesnotforbidit.

Inlookingforwardtothemoment,whichisintendedtoterminatethecareerofmypubliclife,myfeelingsdonotpermitmetosuspendthedeepacknowledgmentofthatdebtofgratitude,whichIowetomybelovedcountryforthemanyhonorsithasconferreduponme;stillmoreforthesteadfastconfidencewithwhichithassupportedme;andfortheopportunitiesIhavethenceenjoyedofmanifestingmyinviolableattachment,byservicesfaithfulandpersevering,thoughinusefulnessunequaltomyzeal.Ifbenefitshaveresultedtoourcountryfromtheseservices,letitalwaysberememberedtoyourpraise,andasaninstructiveexampleinourannals,thatundercircumstancesinwhichthepassions,agitatedineverydirection,wereliabletomislead,amidstappearancessometimesdubious,vicissitudesoffortuneoftendiscouraging,insituationsinwhichnotunfrequentlywantofsuccesshascountenancedthespiritofcriticism,theconstancyofyoursupportwastheessentialpropoftheefforts,andaguaranteeoftheplansbywhichtheywereeffected.profoundlypenetratedwiththisidea,Ishallcarryitwithmetomygrave,asastrongincitementtounceasingvowsthatHeavenmaycontinuetoyouthechoicesttokensofitsbeneficence;thatyourunionandbrotherlyaffectionmaybeperpetual;thatthefreeconstitution,whichistheworkofyourhands,maybesacredlymaintained;thatitsadministrationineverydepartmentmaybestampedwithwisdomandvirtue;than,infine,thehappinessofthepeopleoftheseStates,undertheauspicesofliberty,maybemadecomplete,bysocarefulapreservationandsoprudentauseofthisblessing,aswillacquiretothemthegloryofrecommendingittotheapplause,theaffection,andadoptionofeverynation,whichisyetastrangertoit.

Here,perhapsIoughttostop.Butasolicitudeforyourwelfarewhichcannotendbutwithmylife,andtheapprehensionofdanger,naturaltothatsolicitude,urgeme,onanoccasionlikethepresent,tooffertoyoursolemncontemplation,andtorecommendtoyourfrequentreview,somesentimentswhicharetheresultofmuchreflection,ofnoinconsiderableobservation,andwhichappeartomeall-importanttothepermanencyofyourfelicityasapeople.Thesewillbeofferedtoyouwiththemorefreedom,asyoucanonlyseeinthemthedisinterestedwarningsofapartingfriend,whocanpossiblyhavenopersonalmotivetobiashiscounsel.NorcanIforget,asanencouragementtoit,yourindulgentreceptionofmysentimentsonaformerandnotdissimilaroccasion.

Interwovenasistheloveoflibertywitheveryligamentofyourhearts,norecommendationofmineisnecessarytofortifyorconfirmtheattachment.

TheunityofGovernment,whichconstitutesyouonepeople,isalsonowdeartoyou.Itisjustlyso;foritisamainpillarintheedificeofyourrealindependence,thesupportofyourtranquillityathome,yourpeaceabroad;ofyoursafety;ofyourprosperity;ofthatveryLiberty,whichyousohighlyprize.Butasitiseasytoforesee,that,fromdifferentcausesandfromdifferentquarters,muchpainswillbetaken,manyartificesemployed,toweakeninyourmindstheconvictionofthistruth;asthisisthepointinyourpoliticalfortressagainstwhichthebatteriesofinternalandexternalenemieswillbemostconstantlyandactively(thoughoftencovertlyandinsidiously)directed,itisofinfinitemoment,thatyoushouldproperlyestimatetheimmensevalueofyournationalUniontoyourcollectiveandindividualhappiness;thatyoushouldcherishacordial,habitual,andimmovableattachmenttoit;accustomingyourselvestothinkandspeakofitasofthePalladiumofyourpoliticalsafetyandprosperity;watchingforitspreservationwithjealousanxiety;discountenancingwhatevermaysuggestevenasuspicion,thatitcaninanyeventbeabandoned;andindignantlyfrowninguponthefirstdawningofeveryattempttoalienateanyportionofourcountryfromtherest,ortoenfeeblethesacredtieswhichnowlinktogetherthevariousparts.

Forthisyouhaveeveryinducementofsympathyandinterest.Citizens,bybirthorchoice,ofacommoncountry,thatcountryhasarighttoconcentrateyouraffections.Thenameofamerican,whichbelongstoyou,inyournationalcapacity,mustalwaysexaltthejustprideofPatriotism,morethananyappellationderivedfromlocaldiscriminations.Withslightshadesofdifference,youhavethesamereligion,manners,habits,andpoliticalprinciples.Youhaveinacommoncausefoughtandtriumphedtogether;theIndependenceandLibertyyoupossessaretheworkofjointcounsels,andjointefforts,ofcommondangers,sufferings,andsuccesses.

Buttheseconsiderations,howeverpowerfullytheyaddressthemselvestoyoursensibility,aregreatlyoutweighedbythose,whichapplymoreimmediatelytoyourinterest.HereeveryportionofourcountryfindsthemostcommandingmotivesforcarefullyguardingandpreservingtheUnionofthewhole.

TheNorth,inanunrestrainedintercoursewiththeSouth,protectedbytheequallawsofacommongovernment,finds,intheproductionsofthelatter,greatadditionalresourcesofmaritimeandcommercialenterpriseandpreciousmaterialsofmanufacturingindustry.TheSouth,inthesameintercourse,benefitingbytheagencyoftheNorth,seesitsagriculturegrowanditscommerceexpand.TurningpartlyintoitsownchannelstheseamenoftheNorth,itfindsitsparticularnavigationinvigorated;and,whileitcontributes,indifferentways,tonourishandincreasethegeneralmassofthenationalnavigation,itlooksforwardtotheprotectionofamaritimestrength,towhichitselfisunequallyadapted.TheEast,inalikeintercoursewiththeWest,alreadyfinds,andintheprogressiveimprovementofinteriorcommunicationsbylandandwater,willmoreandmorefind,avaluableventforthecommoditieswhichitbringsfromabroad,ormanufacturesathome.TheWestderivesfromtheEastsuppliesrequisitetoitsgrowthandcomfort,and,whatisperhapsofstillgreaterconsequence,itmustofnecessityowethesecureenjoymentofindispensableoutletsforitsownproductionstotheweight,influence,andthefuturemaritimestrengthoftheAtlanticsideoftheUnion,directedbyanindissolublecommunityofinterestasonenation.AnyothertenurebywhichtheWestcanholdthisessentialadvantage,whetherderivedfromitsownseparatestrength,orfromanapostateandunnaturalconnexionwithanyforeignpower,mustbeintrinsicallyprecarious.

While,then,everypartofourcountrythusfeelsanimmediateandparticularinterestinUnion,allthepartscombinedcannotfailtofindintheunitedmassofmeansandeffortsgreaterstrength,greaterresource,proportionablygreatersecurityfromexternaldanger,alessfrequentinterruptionoftheirpeacebyforeignnations;and,whatisofinestimablevalue,theymustderivefromUnionanexemptionfromthosebroilsandwarsbetweenthemselves,whichsofrequentlyafflictneighbouringcountriesnottiedtogetherbythesamegovernments,whichtheirownrivalshipsalonewouldbesufficienttoproduce,butwhichoppositeforeignalliances,attachments,andintrigueswouldstimulateandembitter.Hence,likewise,theywillavoidthenecessityofthoseovergrownmilitaryestablishments,which,underanyformofgovernment,areinauspicioustoliberty,andwhicharetoberegardedasparticularlyhostiletoRepublicanLiberty.Inthissenseitis,thatyourUnionoughttobeconsideredasamainpropofyourliberty,andthattheloveoftheoneoughttoendeartoyouthepreservationoftheother.

Theseconsiderationsspeakapersuasivelanguagetoeveryreflectingandvirtuousmind,andexhibitthecontinuanceoftheunionasaprimaryobjectofPatrioticdesire.Isthereadoubt,whetheracommongovernmentcanembracesolargeasphere?Letexperiencesolveit.Tolistentomerespeculationinsuchacasewerecriminal.Weareauthorizedtohope,thataproperorganizationofthewhole,withtheauxiliaryagencyofgovernmentsfortherespectivesubdivisions,willaffordahappyissuetotheexperiment.Itiswellworthafairandfullexperiment.WithsuchpowerfulandobviousmotivestoUnion,affectingallpartsofourcountry,whileexperienceshallnothavedemonstrateditsimpracticability,therewillalwaysbereasontodistrustthepatriotismofthose,whoinanyquartermayendeavourtoweakenitsbands.

Incontemplatingthecauses,whichmaydisturbourUnion,itoccursasmatterofseriousconcern,thatanygroundshouldhavebeenfurnishedforcharacterizingpartiesbyGeographicaldiscriminations,NorthernandSouthern,AtlanticandWestern;whencedesigningmenmayendeavourtoexciteabelief,thatthereisarealdifferenceoflocalinterestsandviews.Oneoftheexpedientsofpartytoacquireinfluence,withinparticulardistricts,istomisrepresenttheopinionsandaimsofotherdistricts.Youcannotshieldyourselvestoomuchagainstthejealousiesandheart-burnings,whichspringfromthesemisrepresentations;theytendtorenderalientoeachotherthose,whooughttobeboundtogetherbyfraternalaffection.Theinhabitantsofourwesterncountryhavelatelyhadausefullessononthishead;theyhaveseen,inthenegotiationbytheExecutive,andintheunanimousratificationbytheSenate,ofthetreatywithSpain,andintheuniversalsatisfactionatthatevent,throughouttheUnitedStates,adecisiveproofhowunfoundedwerethesuspicionspropagatedamongthemofapolicyintheGeneralGovernmentandintheAtlanticStatesunfriendlytotheirinterestsinregardtothemississippi;theyhavebeenwitnessestotheformationoftwotreaties,thatwithGreatBritain,andthatwithSpain,whichsecuretothemeverythingtheycoulddesire,inrespecttoourforeignrelations,towardsconfirmingtheirprosperity.Willitnotbetheirwisdomtorelyforthepreservationoftheseadvantagesontheunionbywhichtheywereprocured?Willtheynothenceforthbedeaftothoseadvisers,ifsuchthereare,whowouldseverthemfromtheirbrethren,andconnectthemwithaliens?

TotheefficacyandpermanencyofyourUnion,aGovernmentforthewholeisindispensable.Noalliances,howeverstrict,betweenthepartscanbeanadequatesubstitute;theymustinevitablyexperiencetheinfractionsandinterruptions,whichallalliancesinalltimeshaveexperienced.Sensibleofthismomentoustruth,youhaveimproveduponyourfirstessay,bytheadoptionofaConstitutionofGovernmentbettercalculatedthanyourformerforanintimateUnion,andfortheefficaciousmanagementofyourcommonconcerns.ThisGovernment,theoffspringofourownchoice,uninfluencedandunawed,adopteduponfullinvestigationandmaturedeliberation,completelyfreeinitsprinciples,inthedistributionofitspowers,unitingsecuritywithenergy,andcontainingwithinitselfaprovisionforitsownamendment,hasajustclaimtoyourconfidenceandyoursupport.Respectforitsauthority,compliancewithitslaws,acquiescenceinitsmeasures,aredutiesenjoinedbythefundamentalmaximsoftrueLiberty.ThebasisofourpoliticalsystemsistherightofthepeopletomakeandtoaltertheirConstitutionsofGovernment.ButtheConstitutionwhichatanytimeexists,tillchangedbyanexplicitandauthenticactofthewholepeople,issacredlyobligatoryuponall.TheveryideaofthepowerandtherightofthepeopletoestablishGovernmentpresupposesthedutyofeveryindividualtoobeytheestablishedGovernment.

AllobstructionstotheexecutionoftheLaws,allcombinationsandassociations,underwhateverplausiblecharacter,withtherealdesigntodirect,control,counteract,orawetheregulardeliberationandactionoftheconstitutedauthorities,aredestructiveofthisfundamentalprinciple,andoffataltendency.Theyservetoorganizefaction,togiveitanartificialandextraordinaryforce;toput,intheplaceofthedelegatedwillofthenation,thewillofaparty,oftenasmallbutartfulandenterprisingminorityofthecommunity;and,accordingtothealternatetriumphsofdifferentparties,tomakethepublicadministrationthemirroroftheill-concertedandincongruousprojectsoffaction,ratherthantheorganofconsistentandwholesomeplansdigestedbycommoncounsels,andmodifiedbymutualinterests.

Howevercombinationsorassociationsoftheabovedescriptionmaynowandthenanswerpopularends,theyarelikely,inthecourseoftimeandthings,tobecomepotentengines,bywhichcunning,ambitious,andunprincipledmenwillbeenabledtosubvertthepowerofthepeople,andtousurpforthemselvesthereinsofgovernment;destroyingafterwardstheveryengines,whichhaveliftedthemtounjustdominion.

Towardsthepreservationofyourgovernment,andthepermanencyofyourpresenthappystate,itisrequisite,notonlythatyousteadilydiscountenanceirregularoppositionstoitsacknowledgedauthority,butalsothatyouresistwithcarethespiritofinnovationuponitsprinciples,howeverspeciousthepretexts.Onemethodofassaultmaybetoeffect,intheformsoftheconstitution,alterations,whichwillimpairtheenergyofthesystem,andthustounderminewhatcannotbedirectlyoverthrown.Inallthechangestowhichyoumaybeinvited,rememberthattimeandhabitareatleastasnecessarytofixthetruecharacterofgovernments,asofotherhumaninstitutions;thatexperienceisthesureststandard,bywhichtotesttherealtendencyoftheexistingconstitutionofacountry;thatfacilityinchanges,uponthecreditofmerehypothesisandopinion,exposestoperpetualchange,fromtheendlessvarietyofhypothesisandopinion;andremember,especially,that,fortheefficientmanagementofourcommoninterests,inacountrysoextensiveasours,agovernmentofasmuchvigorasisconsistentwiththeperfectsecurityoflibertyisindispensable.Libertyitselfwillfindinsuchagovernment,withpowersproperlydistributedandadjusted,itssurestguardian.Itis,indeed,littleelsethananame,wherethegovernmentistoofeebletowithstandtheenterprisesoffaction,toconfineeachmemberofthesocietywithinthelimitsprescribedbythelaws,andtomaintainallinthesecureandtranquilenjoymentoftherightsofpersonandproperty.

Ihavealreadyintimatedtoyouthedangerofpartiesinthestate,withparticularreferencetothefoundingofthemongeographicaldiscriminations.Letmenowtakeamorecomprehensiveview,andwarnyouinthemostsolemnmanneragainstthebanefuleffectsofthespiritofparty,generally.

Thisspirit,unfortunately,isinseparablefromournature,havingitsrootinthestrongestpassionsofthehumanmind.Itexistsunderdifferentshapesinallgovernments,moreorlessstifled,controlled,orrepressed;but,inthoseofthepopularform,itisseeninitsgreatestrankness,andistrulytheirworstenemy.

Thealternatedominationofonefactionoveranother,sharpenedbythespiritofrevenge,naturaltopartydissension,whichindifferentagesandcountrieshasperpetratedthemosthorridenormities,isitselfafrightfuldespotism.Butthisleadsatlengthtoamoreformalandpermanentdespotism.Thedisordersandmiseries,whichresult,graduallyinclinethemindsofmentoseeksecurityandreposeintheabsolutepowerofanindividual;andsoonerorlaterthechiefofsomeprevailingfaction,moreableormorefortunatethanhiscompetitors,turnsthisdispositiontothepurposesofhisownelevation,ontheruinsofPublicLiberty.

Withoutlookingforwardtoanextremityofthiskind,(whichneverthelessoughtnottobeentirelyoutofsight,)thecommonandcontinualmischiefsofthespiritofpartyaresufficienttomakeittheinterestanddutyofawisepeopletodiscourageandrestrainit.

ItservesalwaystodistractthePublicCouncils,andenfeeblethePublicAdministration.ItagitatestheCommunitywithill-foundedjealousiesandfalsealarms;kindlestheanimosityofonepartagainstanother,fomentsoccasionallyriotandinsurrection.Itopensthedoortoforeigninfluenceandcorruption,whichfindafacilitatedaccesstothegovernmentitselfthroughthechannelsofpartypassions.Thusthepolicyandthewillofonecountryaresubjectedtothepolicyandwillofanother.

Thereisanopinion,thatpartiesinfreecountriesareusefulchecksupontheadministrationoftheGovernment,andservetokeepalivethespiritofLiberty.Thiswithincertainlimitsisprobablytrue;andinGovernmentsofaMonarchicalcast,Patriotismmaylookwithindulgence,ifnotwithfavor,uponthespiritofparty.Butinthoseofthepopularcharacter,inGovernmentspurelyelective,itisaspiritnottobeencouraged.Fromtheirnaturaltendency,itiscertaintherewillalwaysbeenoughofthatspiritforeverysalutarypurpose.And,therebeingconstantdangerofexcess,theeffortoughttobe,byforceofpublicopinion,tomitigateandassuageit.Afirenottobequenched,itdemandsauniformvigilancetopreventitsburstingintoaflame,lest,insteadofwarming,itshouldconsume.

Itisimportant,likewise,thatthehabitsofthinkinginafreecountryshouldinspirecaution,inthoseintrustedwithitsadministration,toconfinethemselveswithintheirrespectiveconstitutionalspheres,avoidingintheexerciseofthepowersofonedepartmenttoencroachuponanother.Thespiritofencroachmenttendstoconsolidatethepowersofallthedepartmentsinone,andthustocreate,whatevertheformofgovernment,arealdespotism.Ajustestimateofthatloveofpower,andpronenesstoabuseit,whichpredominatesinthehumanheart,issufficienttosatisfyusofthetruthofthisposition.Thenecessityofreciprocalchecksintheexerciseofpoliticalpower,bydividinganddistributingitintodifferentdepositories,andconstitutingeachtheGuardianofthePublicWealagainstinvasionsbytheothers,hasbeenevincedbyexperimentsancientandmodern;someoftheminourcountryandunderourowneyes.Topreservethemmustbeasnecessaryastoinstitutethem.If,intheopinionofthepeople,thedistributionormodificationoftheconstitutionalpowersbeinanyparticularwrong,letitbecorrectedbyanamendmentintheway,whichtheconstitutiondesignates.Butlettherebenochangebyusurpation;for,thoughthis,inoneinstance,maybetheinstrumentofgood,itisthecustomaryweaponbywhichfreegovernmentsaredestroyed.Theprecedentmustalwaysgreatlyoverbalanceinpermanentevilanypartialortransientbenefit,whichtheusecanatanytimeyield.

Ofallthedispositionsandhabits,whichleadtopoliticalprosperity,ReligionandMoralityareindispensablesupports.InvainwouldthatmanclaimthetributeofPatriotism,whoshouldlabortosubvertthesegreatpillarsofhumanhappiness,thesefirmestpropsofthedutiesofMenandCitizens.ThemerePolitician,equallywiththepiousman,oughttorespectandtocherishthem.Avolumecouldnottracealltheirconnexionswithprivateandpublicfelicity.Letitsimplybeasked,Whereisthesecurityforproperty,forreputation,forlife,ifthesenseofreligiousobligationdeserttheoaths,whicharetheinstrumentsofinvestigationinCourtsofJustice?Andletuswithcautionindulgethesupposition,thatmoralitycanbemaintainedwithoutreligion.Whatevermaybeconcededtotheinfluenceofrefinededucationonmindsofpeculiarstructure,reasonandexperiencebothforbidustoexpect,thatnationalmoralitycanprevailinexclusionofreligiousprinciple.

Itissubstantiallytrue,thatvirtueormoralityisanecessaryspringofpopulargovernment.Therule,indeed,extendswithmoreorlessforcetoeveryspeciesoffreegovernment.Who,thatisasincerefriendtoit,canlookwithindifferenceuponattemptstoshakethefoundationofthefabric?

Promote,then,asanobjectofprimaryimportance,institutionsforthegeneraldiffusionofknowledge.Inproportionasthestructureofagovernmentgivesforcetopublicopinion,itisessentialthatpublicopinionshouldbeenlightened.

Asaveryimportantsourceofstrengthandsecurity,cherishpubliccredit.Onemethodofpreservingitis,touseitassparinglyaspossible;avoidingoccasionsofexpensebycultivatingpeace,butrememberingalsothattimelydisbursementstopreparefordangerfrequentlypreventmuchgreaterdisbursementstorepelit;avoidinglikewisetheaccumulationofdebt,notonlybyshunningoccasionsofexpense,butbyvigorousexertionsintimeofpeacetodischargethedebts,whichunavoidablewarsmayhaveoccasioned,notungenerouslythrowinguponposteritytheburthen,whichweourselvesoughttobear.Theexecutionofthesemaximsbelongstoyourrepresentatives,butitisnecessarythatpublicopinionshouldcooperate.Tofacilitatetothemtheperformanceoftheirduty,itisessentialthatyoushouldpracticallybearinmind,thattowardsthepaymentofdebtstheremustbeRevenue;thattohaveRevenuetheremustbetaxes;thatnotaxescanbedevised,whicharenotmoreorlessinconvenientandunpleasant;thattheintrinsicembarrassment,inseparablefromtheselectionoftheproperobjects(whichisalwaysachoiceofdifficulties),oughttobeadecisivemotiveforacandidconstructionoftheconductofthegovernmentinmakingit,andforaspiritofacquiescenceinthemeasuresforobtainingrevenue,whichthepublicexigenciesmayatanytimedictate.

ObservegoodfaithandjusticetowardsallNations;cultivatepeaceandharmonywithall.ReligionandMoralityenjointhisconduct;andcanitbe,thatgoodpolicydoesnotequallyenjoinit?Itwillbeworthyofafree,enlightened,and,atnodistantperiod,agreatNation,togivetomankindthemagnanimousandtoonovelexampleofapeoplealwaysguidedbyanexaltedjusticeandbenevolence.Whocandoubt,that,inthecourseoftimeandthings,thefruitsofsuchaplanwouldrichlyrepayanytemporaryadvantages,whichmightbelostbyasteadyadherencetoit?Canitbe,thatProvidencehasnotconnectedthepermanentfelicityofaNationwithitsVirtue?Theexperiment,atleast,isrecommendedbyeverysentimentwhichennobleshumannature.alas!isitrenderedimpossiblebyitsvices?

Intheexecutionofsuchaplan,nothingismoreessential,thanthatpermanent,inveterateantipathiesagainstparticularNations,andpassionateattachmentsforothers,shouldbeexcluded;andthat,inplaceofthem,justandamicablefeelingstowardsallshouldbecultivated.TheNation,whichindulgestowardsanotheranhabitualhatred,oranhabitualfondness,isinsomedegreeaslave.Itisaslavetoitsanimosityortoitsaffection,eitherofwhichissufficienttoleaditastrayfromitsdutyanditsinterest.Antipathyinonenationagainstanotherdisposeseachmorereadilytoofferinsultandinjury,tolayholdofslightcausesofumbrage,andtobehaughtyandintractable,whenaccidentalortriflingoccasionsofdisputeoccur.Hencefrequentcollisions,obstinate,envenomed,andbloodycontests.TheNation,promptedbyill-willandresentment,sometimesimpelstowartheGovernment,contrarytothebestcalculationsofpolicy.TheGovernmentsometimesparticipatesinthenationalpropensity,andadoptsthroughpassionwhatreasonwouldreject;atothertimes,itmakestheanimosityofthenationsubservienttoprojectsofhostilityinstigatedbypride,ambition,andothersinisterandperniciousmotives.Thepeaceoften,sometimesperhapstheliberty,ofNationshasbeenthevictim.

Solikewise,apassionateattachmentofoneNationforanotherproducesavarietyofevils.SympathyforthefavoriteNation,facilitatingtheillusionofanimaginarycommoninterest,incaseswherenorealcommoninterestexists,andinfusingintoonetheenmitiesoftheother,betraystheformerintoaparticipationinthequarrelsandwarsofthelatter,withoutadequateinducementorjustification.ItleadsalsotoconcessionstothefavoriteNationofprivilegesdeniedtoothers,whichisaptdoublytoinjuretheNationmakingtheconcessions;byunnecessarilypartingwithwhatoughttohavebeenretained;andbyexcitingjealousy,ill-will,andadispositiontoretaliate,inthepartiesfromwhomequalprivilegesarewithheld.Anditgivestoambitious,corrupted,ordeludedcitizens,(whodevotethemselvestothefavoritenation,)facilitytobetrayorsacrificetheinterestsoftheirowncountry,withoutodium,sometimesevenwithpopularity;gilding,withtheappearancesofavirtuoussenseofobligation,acommendabledeferenceforpublicopinion,oralaudablezealforpublicgood,thebaseorfoolishcompliancesofambition,corruption,orinfatuation.

AsAVENUEStoforeigninfluenceininnumerableways,suchattachmentsareparticularlyalarmingtothetrulyenlightenedandindependentPatriot.Howmanyopportunitiesdotheyaffordtotamperwithdomesticfactions,topractisetheartsofseduction,tomisleadpublicopinion,toinfluenceorawethePublicCouncils!Suchanattachmentofasmallorweak,towardsagreatandpowerfulnation,doomstheformertobethesatelliteofthelatter.

AgainsttheinsidiousWilesofforeigninfluence(Iconjureyoutobelieveme,fellow-citizens,)thejealousyofafreepeopleoughttobeconstantlyawake;sincehistoryandexperienceprove,thatforeigninfluenceisoneofthemostbanefulfoesofRepublicanGovernment.Butthatjealousy,tobeuseful,mustbeimpartial;elseitbecomestheinstrumentoftheveryinfluencetobeavoided,insteadofadefenceagainstit.Excessivepartialityforoneforeignnation,andexcessivedislikeofanother,causethosewhomtheyactuatetoseedangeronlyononeside,andservetoveilandevensecondtheartsofinfluenceontheother.Realpatriots,whomayresisttheintriguesofthefavorite,areliabletobecomesuspectedandodious;whileitstoolsanddupesusurptheapplauseandconfidenceofthepeople,tosurrendertheirinterests.

Thegreatruleofconductforus,inregardtoforeignnations,is,inextendingourcommercialrelations,tohavewiththemaslittlepoliticalconnexionaspossible.Sofaraswehavealreadyformedengagements,letthembefulfilledwithperfectgoodfaith.Hereletusstop.

Europehasasetofprimaryinterests,whichtoushavenone,oraveryremoterelation.Henceshemustbeengagedinfrequentcontroversies,thecausesofwhichareessentiallyforeigntoourconcerns.Hence,therefore,itmustbeunwiseinustoimplicateourselves,byartificialties,intheordinaryvicissitudesofherpolitics,ortheordinarycombinationsandcollisionsofherfriendshipsorenmities.

Ourdetachedanddistantsituationinvitesandenablesustopursueadifferentcourse.Ifweremainonepeople,underanefficientgovernment,theperiodisnotfaroff,whenwemaydefymaterialinjuryfromexternalannoyance;whenwemaytakesuchanattitudeaswillcausetheneutrality,wemayatanytimeresolveupon,tobescrupulouslyrespected;whenbelligerentnations,undertheimpossibilityofmakingacquisitionsuponus,willnotlightlyhazardthegivingusprovocation;whenwemaychoosepeaceorwar,asourinterest,guidedbyjustice,shallcounsel.

Whyforegotheadvantagesofsopeculiarasituation?Whyquitourowntostanduponforeignground?Why,byinterweavingourdestinywiththatofanypartofEurope,entangleourpeaceandprosperityinthetoilsofEuropeanambition,rivalship,interest,humor,orCaprice?

Itisourtruepolicytosteerclearofpermanentallianceswithanyportionoftheforeignworld;sofar,Imean,aswearenowatlibertytodoit;forletmenotbeunderstoodascapableofpatronizinginfidelitytoexistingengagements.Iholdthemaximnolessapplicabletopublicthantoprivateaffairs,thathonestyisalwaysthebestpolicy.Irepeatit,therefore,letthoseengagementsbeobservedintheirgenuinesense.But,inmyopinion,itisunnecessaryandwouldbeunwisetoextendthem.

Takingcarealwaystokeepourselves,bysuitable
establishments,onarespectabledefensiveposture,wemaysafelytrusttotemporaryalliancesforextraordinaryemergencies.

Harmony,liberalintercoursewithallnations,arerecommendedbypolicy,humanity,andinterest.Butevenourcommercialpolicyshouldholdanequalandimpartialhand;neitherseekingnorgrantingexclusivefavorsorpreferences;consultingthenaturalcourseofthings;diffusinganddiversifyingbygentlemeansthestreamsofcommerce,butforcingnothing;establishing,withpowerssodisposed,inordertogivetradeastablecourse,todefinetherightsofourmerchants,andtoenablethegovernmenttosupportthem,conventionalrulesofintercourse,thebestthatpresentcircumstancesandmutualopinionwillpermit,buttemporary,andliabletobefromtimetotimeabandonedorvaried,asexperienceandcircumstancesshalldictate;constantlykeepinginview,thatitisfollyinonenationtolookfordisinterestedfavorsfromanother;thatitmustpaywithaportionofitsindependenceforwhateveritmayacceptunderthatcharacter;that,bysuchacceptance,itmayplaceitselfintheconditionofhavinggivenequivalentsfornominalfavors,andyetofbeingreproachedwithingratitudefornotgivingmore.Therecanbenogreatererrorthantoexpectorcalculateuponrealfavorsfromnationtonation.Itisanillusion,whichexperiencemustcure,whichajustprideoughttodiscard.

Inofferingtoyou,mycountrymen,thesecounselsofanoldandaffectionatefriend,IdarenothopetheywillmakethestrongandlastingimpressionIcouldwish;thattheywillcontroltheusualcurrentofthepassions,orpreventournationfromrunningthecourse,whichhashithertomarkedthedestinyofnations.But,ifImayevenflattermyself,thattheymaybeproductiveofsomepartialbenefit,someoccasionalgood;thattheymaynowandthenrecurtomoderatethefuryofpartyspirit,towarnagainstthemischiefsofforeignintrigue,toguardagainsttheimposturesofpretendedpatriotism;thishopewillbeafullrecompenseforthesolicitudeforyourwelfare,bywhichtheyhavebeendictated.

Howfarinthedischargeofmyofficialduties,Ihavebeenguidedbytheprincipleswhichhavebeendelineated,thepublicrecordsandotherevidencesofmyconductmustwitnesstoyouandtotheworld.Tomyself,theassuranceofmyownconscienceis,thatIhaveatleastbelievedmyselftobeguidedbythem.

InrelationtothestillsubsistingwarinEurope,myProclamationofthe22dofApril1793,istheindextomyPlan.Sanctionedbyyourapprovingvoice,andbythatofyourRepresentativesinbothHousesofCongress,thespiritofthatmeasurehascontinuallygovernedme,uninfluencedbyanyattemptstodeterordivertmefromit.
46Afterdeliberateexamination,withtheaidofthebestlightsIcouldobtain,Iwaswellsatisfiedthatourcountry,underallthecircumstancesofthecase,hadarighttotake,andwasboundindutyandinteresttotake,aneutralposition.Havingtakenit,Idetermined,asfarasshoulddependuponme,tomaintainit,withmoderation,perseverance,andfirmness.

Theconsiderations,whichrespecttherighttoholdthisconduct,itisnotnecessaryonthisoccasiontodetail.Iwillonlyobserve,that,accordingtomyunderstandingofthematter,thatright,sofarfrombeingdeniedbyanyoftheBelligerentPowers,hasbeenvirtuallyadmittedbyall.

Thedutyofholdinganeutralconductmaybeinferred,withoutanythingmore,fromtheobligationwhichjusticeandhumanityimposeoneverynation,incasesinwhichitisfreetoact,tomaintaininviolatetherelationsofpeaceandamitytowardsothernations.

Theinducementsofinterestforobservingthatconductwillbestbereferredtoyourownreflectionsandexperience.Withme,apredominantmotivehasbeentoendeavourtogaintimetoourcountrytosettleandmatureitsyetrecentinstitutions,andtoprogresswithoutinterruptiontothatdegreeofstrengthandconsistency,whichisnecessarytogiveit,humanlyspeaking,thecommandofitsownfortunes.

Though,inreviewingtheincidentsofmyadministration,Iamunconsciousofintentionalerror,IamneverthelesstoosensibleofmydefectsnottothinkitprobablethatImayhavecommittedmanyerrors.Whatevertheymaybe,IferventlybeseechtheAlmightytoavertormitigatetheevilstowhichtheymaytend.Ishallalsocarrywithmethehope,thatmyCountrywillneverceasetoviewthemwithindulgence;andthat,afterforty-fiveyearsofmylifededicatedtoitsservicewithanuprightzeal,thefaultsofincompetentabilitieswillbeconsignedtooblivion,asmyselfmustsoonbetothemansionsofrest.

Relyingonitskindnessinthisasinotherthings,andactuatedbythatferventlovetowardsit,whichissonaturaltoaman,whoviewsitinthenativesoilofhimselfandhisprogenitorsforseveralgenerations;Ianticipatewithpleasingexpectationthatretreat,inwhichIpromisemyselftorealize,withoutalloy,thesweetenjoymentofpartaking,inthemidstofmyfellow-citizens,thebenigninfluenceofgoodlawsunderafreegovernment,theeverfavoriteobjectofmyheart,andthehappyreward,asItrust,ofourmutualcares,labors,anddangers.

GeorgeWashington
UnitedStates-September17,1796


中文翻譯

“在導致昌明政治的各種精神意識風俗習慣中,宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。政治家應當同虔誠的人一樣,尊敬和愛護宗教與道德。如果宗教責任感不存在於法院賴以調查事件的宣誓中,那么,哪能談得上財產名譽和生命的安全呢?我們不可幻想以為道德可不靠宗教而維持下去。”

各位朋友和同胞:
我們重新選舉一位公民來主持美國政府的行政工作,已為期不遠。此時此刻,大家必須運用思想來考慮這一重任付託給誰。因此,我覺得我現在應當向大家聲明,尤其因為這樣做有助於使公眾意見獲得更為明確的表達,那就是我已下定決心,謝絕將我列為候選人。

華盛頓榮登《時代周刊》封面人物(1953年)華盛頓榮登《時代周刊》封面人物(1953年)

關於我最初負起這個艱巨職責時的感想,我已經在適當的場合說過了。現在辭掉這一職責時,我要說的僅僅是,我已誠心誠意地為這個政府的組織和行政,貢獻了我這個判斷力不足的人的最大力量。就任之初,我並非不知我的能力薄弱,而且我自己的經歷更使我缺乏自信,這在別人看來,恐怕更是如此。年事日增,使我越來越認為,退休是必要的,而且是會受歡迎的。我確信,如果有任何情況促使我的服務具有特別價值,那種情況也只是暫時的;所以我相信,按照我的選擇並經慎重考慮,我應當退出政壇,而且,愛國心也容許我這樣做,這是我引以為慰的。

講到這裡,我似乎應當結束講話。但我對你們幸福的關切,雖於九泉之下也難以割捨。由於關切,自然對威脅你們幸福的危險憂心忡忡。這種心情,促使我在今天這樣的場合,提出一些看法供你們嚴肅思考,並建議你們經常重溫。這是我深思熟慮和仔細觀察的結論,而且在我看來,對整個民族的永久幸福有著十分重要的意義。

你們的心弦與自由息息相扣,因此用不著我來增強或堅定你們對自由的熱愛。

政府的統一,使大家結成一個民族,現在這種統一也為你們所珍視。這是理所當然的,因為你們真正的獨立,彷佛一座大廈,而政府的統一,乃是這座大廈的主要柱石;它支持你們國內的安定,國外的和平;支持你們的安全,你們的繁榮,以及你們如此重視的真正自由。然而不難預見,曾有某些力量試圖削弱大家心裡對於這種真理的信念,這些力量的起因不一,來源各異,但均將煞費苦心,千方百計地產生作用;其所以如此,乃因統一是你們政治堡壘中一個重點,內外敵人的炮火,會最持續不斷地和加緊地(雖然常是秘密地與陰險地)進行轟擊。因此,最重要的乃是大家應當正確估計這個民族團結對於集體和個人幸福所具有的重大價值;大家應當對它抱著誠摯的、經常的和堅定不移的忠心;你們在思想和言語中要習慣於把它當作大家政治安全和繁榮的保障;要小心翼翼地守護它。如果有人提到這種信念在某種情況下可以拋棄,即使那只是猜想,也不應當表示支持。如果有人企圖使我國的一部分脫離其餘部分,或想削弱現在聯繫各部分的神經紐帶,在其最初出現時,就應當嚴加指責。

對於此點,你們有種種理由加以同情和關懷。既然你們因出生或歸化而成為同一國家的公民,這個國家就有權集中你們的情感。美國人這個名稱來自你們的國民身分,它是屬於你們的;這個名號,一定會經常提高你們愛國的光榮感,遠勝任何地方性的名稱。在你們之間,除了極細微的差別外,有相同的宗教、禮儀、習俗與政治原則。你們曾為同一目標而共同奮鬥,並且共同獲得勝利。你們所得到的獨立和自由,乃是你們群策群力,同甘苦,共患難的成果。
儘管這些理由是多么強烈地激發了你們的感情,但終究遠不及那些對你們有更直接利害關係的理由。全國各地都可以看到強烈的願望,要求精心維護和保持聯邦制。

北方在與受同一政府的平等法律保護的南方自由交往中,發現南方的產品為航海業和商業提供了極其豐富的資源,為製造業提供了十分寶貴的原料。與此相同,南方在與北方交往時,也從北方所起的作用中獲益不淺,農業得到了發展,商業得到了擴大。南方將部分北方海員轉入自己的航道,使南方的航運業興旺了起來。儘管南方在各方面都對全國航運業的繁榮和發展有所貢獻,但它期望得到海上力量的保護,目前它的海上力量相對說來太薄弱了。東部在與西部進行類似的交往中,發現西部是東部自國外輸入商品和在國內製造的商品的重要信道,而這個信道將隨著內地水陸交通的不斷改善而日趨重要。西部則從東部得到發展和改善生活所必不可少的物資供應;也許更重要的是,西部要確保其產品出口的必要渠道,必須靠聯邦的大西洋一側的勢力、影響和未來的海上力量,而這需要把西部看成一個國家,有著不可分割的利害關係。西部如要靠其它任何方式來保護這種重要的優越地位,無論是單靠自己一方的力量,或是靠與外國建立背叛原則和不正常的關係,從本質上來看都是不牢靠的。

由此可見,我國各部分都從聯合一致中感覺到直接的和特殊的好處,而把所有各部分聯合在一起,人們會從手段和力量之大規模結合中,找到更大力量和更多資源,在抵禦外患方面將相應地更為安全,而外國對它們和平的破壞也會減少。具有無可估量的價值的是,聯合一致必然會防止它們自身之間發生戰爭。這種戰爭不斷地折磨著相互鄰接的國家,因為沒有同一的政府把它們連成一氣。這種戰事,僅由於它們彼此之間的互相競爭,即可發生,如果與外國有同盟、依附和陰謀串通的關係,則更會進一步激發和加劇這種對抗。因此,同樣地,它們可以避免過分發展軍事力量,這種軍事力量,在任何形式的政府之下,都是對自由不利的,而對共和國的自由,則應視為尤具敬意。就這個意義而言,應把你們的聯合一致看作是你們自由的支柱,如果你們珍惜其中一個,也就應當保存另一個。
你們是否懷疑一個共同的政府能夠管轄這么大的範圍?把這個問題留待經驗來解決吧。對付這樣一個問題單純聽信猜測是錯誤的。在這種情況下,非常值得進行一次公平和全面的實驗。要求全國各地組成聯邦的願望是如此強烈和明顯,因此,在實踐尚未表明聯邦制行不通時,試圖在任何方面削弱聯邦紐帶的人,我們總是有理由懷疑他們的愛國心的。

在研究那些可能擾亂我們聯邦的種種原因時,使人想到一件至關重要的事,那就是以地域差別--北方與南方、大西洋與西部--為根據來建立各種黨派;因為那些心懷不軌的人可能力圖藉此造成一種信念,以為地方間真的存在著利益和觀點的差異。一個黨派想在某些地區贏得影響力而採取的策略之一,是歪曲其它地區的觀點和目標。這種歪曲引起的妒忌和不滿,是防不勝防的;使那些本應親如兄弟的人變得互不相容。

為了使你們的聯合保持效力和持久,一個代表全體的政府是不可少的。各地區結成聯盟,不論怎樣嚴密,都不能充分代替這樣的政府。這種聯盟一定會經歷古往今來所有聯盟的遭遇,即背約和中斷。由於明白這個重要的事實,所以大家把最初的檔案加以改進,通過了一部勝過從前的政府憲法,以期密切聯合,更有效地管理大家的共同事務。這個政府,是我們自己選擇的,不曾受人影響,不曾受人威脅,是經過全盤研究和縝密考慮而建立的,它的原則和它的權力的分配,是完全自由的,它把安全和力量結合起來,而其本身則包含著修正其自身的規定。這樣一個政府有充分理由要求你們的信任和支持。尊重它的權力,服從它的法律,遵守它的措施,這些都是真正自由的基本準則所構成的義務。我們政府體制的基礎,乃是人民有權制定和變更他們政府的憲法

可是憲法在經全民採取明確和正式的行動加以修改以前,任何人對之都負有神聖的義務。人民有建立政府的權力與權利,這一觀念乃是以每人有責任服從所建立的政府為前提的。

要保存你們的政府,要永久維持你們現在的幸福狀態,你們不僅不應支持那些不時發生的跟公認的政府權力相敵對的行為,而且對那種要改革政府原則的風氣,即使其藉口似若有理,亦應予以謹慎的抵制。他們進攻的方法之一,可能是採取改變憲法的形式,以損害這種體制的活力,從而把不能直接推翻的東西,暗中加以破壞。在你們可能被邀參與的所有變革中,你們應當記住,要確定政府的真正性質,正如確定人類其它體制一樣,時間和習慣至少是同樣重要的;應當記住,要檢驗一國現存政體的真正趨勢,經驗是最可靠的標準,應當記住,僅憑假設和意見便輕易變更,將因假設和意見之無窮變化而招致無窮的變更,還要特別記住,在我們這樣遼闊的國度里,要想有效地管理大家的共同利益,一個活力充沛的、並且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。在這樣一個權力得到適當分配和調節的政府里,自由本身將會從中找到它最可靠的保護者。如果一個政府力量過弱,經不住朋黨派系之爭,不能使社會每一分子守法,和能維持全體人民安全而平靜地享受其人身和財產權利,那么,這個政府只是徒有虛名而已。

我已經提醒你們,在美國存在著黨派分立的危險,並特別提到按地域差別來分立黨派的危險。現在讓我從更全面的角度,以最嚴肅的態度概略地告誡你們警惕黨派思想的惡劣影響。

不幸的是,這種思想與我們的本性是不可分割的,並紮根於人類腦海里最強烈的欲望之中。它以各種不同的形式存在於所有政府機構里,儘管多少受到抑制、控制或約束。但那些常見的黨派思想的形式,往往是最令人討厭的,並且確實是政府最危險的敵人。

它往往干擾公眾會議的進行,並削弱行政管理能力。它在民眾中引起無根據的猜忌和莫須有的驚恐;挑撥派對立;有時還引起騷動和叛亂。它為外國影響和腐蝕打開方便之門。外國影響和腐蝕可以輕易地通過派系傾向的渠道深入到政府機構中來。這樣,一個國家的政策和意志就會受到另一個國家政策和意志的影響。
有一種意見,認為自由國家中的政黨,是對政府施政的有效牽制,有助於發揚自由精神。在某種限度內,這大概是對的;在君主制的政府下,人民基於愛國心,對於政黨精神即使不加袒護,亦會頗為寬容。但在民主性質的純屬選任的政府下,這種精神是不應予以鼓勵的。從其自然趨勢看來,可以肯定,在每一種有益的目標上,總是不乏這種精神的。但這種精神常有趨於過度的危險,因此應當用輿論的力量使之減輕及緩和。它是一團火,我們不要熄滅它,但要一致警惕,以防它火焰大發,變成不是供人取暖,而是貽害於人。

還有一項同樣重要的事,就是一個自由國家的思想習慣,應當做到使那些負責行政的人保持警惕,把各自的權力局限於憲法規定的範圍內,在行使一個部門的權力時,應避免侵犯另一個部門的許可權。這種越權精神傾向於把所有各部門的權力集中於某一部門,因而造成一種真正的專制主義,姑不論其政府的形式如何。
如果民意認為,憲法上的許可權之分配或修改,在某方面是不對的,我們應當照憲法所規定的辨法予以修改。但我們不可用篡權的方式予以更改;因為這種方法,可能在某一件事上是有效的手段,但自由政府也常會被這種手段毀滅。所以使用這種方法,有時雖然可以得到局部的或一時的好處,但此例一開,一定抵不過它所引起的永久性危害的。

在導致昌明政治的各種精神意識和風俗習慣中,宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。一個竭力破壞人類幸福的偉大支柱--人類與公民職責的最堅強支柱--的人,卻妄想別人贊他愛國,必然是白費心機的。政治家應當同虔誠的人一樣,尊敬和愛護宗教與道德。宗教與道德同個人福利以及公共福利的關係,即使寫一本書也說不完。我們只要簡單地問,如果宗教責任感不存在於法院賴以調查事件的宣誓中,那么,哪能談得上財產、名譽和生命的安全呢?而且我們也不可耽於幻想,以為道德可不靠宗教而維持下去。高尚的教育,對於特殊構造的心靈,儘管可能有所影響,但根據理智和經驗,不容許我們期望,在排除宗教原則的情況下,道德觀念仍能普遍存在。

有一句話大體上是不錯的,那就是:道德是民意所歸的政府所必需的原動力。這條準則可或多或少地適用於每一種類型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠實朋友,對於足以動搖它組織基礎的企圖,誰能熟視無睹呢?因此,請大家把普遍傳播知識的機構當作最重要的目標來加以充實提高。政府組織給輿論以力量,輿論也應相應地表現得更有見地,這是很重要的。

我們應當珍視國家的財力,因為這是力量和安全的極為重要的泉源。保存財力的辦法之一是儘量少動用它,並維護和平以避免意外開支;但也要記住,為了防患於未然而及時撥款,往往可以避免支付更大的款項來消弭災禍。同樣,我們要避免債台高築,為此,不懂要節約開支,而且在和平時期還要盡力去償還不可避免的戰爭所帶來的債務,不要將我們自己應該承受的負擔無情地留給後代。

我們要對所有國家遵守信約和正義,同所有國家促進和平與和睦。宗教和道德要求我們這樣做。難道明智的政策不於一樣要求這樣做嗎?如果我們能夠成為一個總是遵奉崇高的正義和仁愛精神的民族,為人類樹立高尚而嶄新的典範,那我們便不愧為一個自由的、開明的,而且會在不久的將來變得偉大的國家。如果我們始終如一地堅持這種方針,可能會損失一些暫時的利益,但是誰會懷疑,隨著時間的推移和事物的變遷,收穫將遠遠超過損失呢?難道蒼天沒有將一個民族的永久幸福和它的品德聯繫在一起嗎?至少,每一種使人性變得崇高的情操都甘願接受這種考驗的。萬一考驗失敗,這是否由人的惡行造成的呢?
在實行這種方針時,最要緊的,乃是不要對某些國家抱著永久而固執的厭噁心理,而對另一些國家則熱愛不已;應當對所有國家都培養公正而友善的感情。一個國家,如果習於其它國家惡此喜彼,這個國家便會在某種程度上淪為奴隸;或為敵意的奴隸,或為友情的奴隸,隨便哪一種都足以將它引離自己的責任和自己的利益。一國對於另一國心存厭惡,兩國便更易於彼此侮辱和互相傷害,更易於因小故而記恨,並且在發生偶然或細瑣的爭執時,也易於變得驕狂不羈和難以理喻。

一國對他國懷著熱烈的喜愛,也一樣能產生種種弊端。由於對所喜愛的國家抱同情,遂幻想彼此有共同的利益,實則所謂共同利益僅是想像的,而非真實的;再者,把它國的仇恨也灌注給自己,結果當它國與別國發生爭執或戰爭,自己也會在沒有充分原因和理由的情況下陷身其中。此外,還會把不給與它國的特權給與所喜愛的國家;於是,這個作出讓步的國家,便會蒙受雙重損害,一是無端損失本身應當保留的利益,一是激起未曾得到這種利益的國家的嫉妒、惡感和報復心理;這給那些有野心的、腐化的或受蒙蔽的公民(他們投靠自己所喜愛的國家)提供了方便,使他們在背叛或犧牲自己國家的利益時不但不遭人憎恨,有時甚至還受到歡迎,並把由於野心、腐化或胡塗而卑鄙愚蠢地屈服的人粉飾成有正直的責任感、順乎民意、或是熱心公益而值得讚揚的人。

總統像總統像

一個自由民族應當經常警覺,提防外國勢力的陰謀詭計(同胞們,我懇求你們相信我),因為歷史和經驗證明,外國勢力乃是共和政府最致命的敵人之一。不過這種提防,要想做到有效,必須不偏不倚,否則會成為我們所要擺脫的勢力的工具,而不是抵禦那種勢力的工事。對某國過度偏愛,對另外一個過度偏惡,會使受到這種影響的國家只看到一方面的危險,卻掩蓋甚至縱容另一方所施的詭計。常我們所喜歡的那個國家的爪牙和受他們蒙蔽的人,利用人民的讚賞和信任,誘騙人民放棄本身的利益時,那些可能抵制該國詭計的真正愛國志士,反而極易成為懷疑與憎惡的對象。

我們處理外國事務的最重要原則,就是在與它們發展商務關係時,儘量避免涉及政治。我們已訂的條約,必須忠實履行。但以此為限,不再增加。
歐洲有一套基本利益,它對於我們毫無或甚少關係。歐洲經常發生爭執,其原因基本上與我們毫不相干。所以,如果我們卷進歐洲事務,與他們的政治興衰人為地聯繫在一起,或與他們友好而結成同盟,或與他們敵對而發生衝突,都是不明智的。

我國獨處一方,遠離它國,這種地理位置允許並促使我們奉行一條不同的政策路線。如果我們在一個稱職的政府領導下保持團結,在不久的將來,我們就可以不怕外來干擾造成的物質破壞;我們就可以採取一種姿態,使我們在任何時候決心保持中立時,都可得到它國嚴正的尊重;好戰國家不能從我們這裡獲得好處時,也不敢輕易冒險向我們挑戰;我們可以在正義的指引下依照自己的利益,在和戰問題上作出抉擇。

我們為什麼要摒棄這種特殊環境帶來的優越條件呢?為什麼要放棄我們自己的立場而站到外國的立場上去呢?為什麼要把我們的命運同歐洲任何一部分的命運交織一起,以致把我們的和平與繁榮,陷入歐洲的野心、競爭、利益關係、古怪念頭,或反覆無常的羅網之中呢?

我們真正的政策,乃是避免同任何外國訂立永久的同盟,我的意思是我們現在可自由處理這種問題;但請不要誤會,以為我贊成不履行現有的條約。我認為,誠實是最好的政策,這句格言不僅適用於私事,亦通用於公務。所以我再重複說一句,那些條約應按其原意加以履行。但我覺得延長那些條約是不必要,也是不明智的。

我們應當經常警惕,建立適量的軍隊以保持可觀的防禦姿態,這樣,在非常緊急時期中,我們才可以安全地依靠暫時性的同盟。

無論就政策而言,就人道而言,就利害而言,我們都應當跟一切國家保持和睦相處與自由來往。但是甚至我們的商業政策也應當採取平等和公平的立易,即不向它國要求特權或特惠,亦不給與它國以特權或特惠;一切要順事物之自然而行;要用溫和的手段擴展商業途徑並作多種經營,絕不強求;與有此意向的國家訂立有關交往的習用條例,俾使貿易有穩定的方向,我國商人的權利得以明確,政府對他們的扶助得以實現,這種條例應為現時情勢和彼此意見所容許的最合理的條例,但也只是暫時的,得根據經驗與情勢隨時予以廢棄或改變;須時時緊記,一國向它國索求無私的恩惠是愚蠢的;要記住,為了得到這種性質的恩惠,它必須付出它的一部分獨立為代價;要記住,接受此類恩惠,會使本身處於這樣的境地:自己已為那微小的恩惠出同等的代價,但仍被譴責為忘恩負義,認為付得不夠。期待或指望國與國之間有真正的恩惠,實乃最嚴重的錯誤。這是一種幻想,而經驗必可將其治癒,正直的自尊心必然會將其擯棄。

雖然在檢討本人任期內施政時,我未發覺有故意的錯誤,但是我很明白我的缺點,並不以為我沒有犯過很多錯誤。不管這些錯誤是什麼,我懇切地祈求上帝免除或減輕這些錯誤所可能產生的惡果。而且我也將懷著一種希望,願我的國家永遠寬恕這些錯誤;我秉持正直的熱忱,獻身為國家服務,已經四十五年,希望我因為能力薄弱而犯的過失,會隨著我不久以後長眠地下而湮沒無聞。

我在這方面和在其它方面一樣,均須仰賴祖國的仁慈,我熱愛祖國,並受到愛國之情的激勵,這種感情,對於一個視祖國為自己及歷代祖先的故土的人來說,是很自然的。因此,我以歡欣的期待心情,指望在我切盼實現的退休之後,我將與我的同胞們愉快地分享自由政府治下完善的法律的溫暖--這是我一直衷心嚮往的目標,並且我相信,這也是我們相互關懷,共同努力和赴湯蹈火的優厚報酬

盤點外國演講辭名篇

人們用“口吐蓮花”未形容好的口才。有好的口才能很好地展示自己的智慧和才華,體現風度和氣質,使聽者如沐春風,於心悅誠服中,精神得到感奮,心智得到點撥;好的口才能助你戰勝政敵、說服談判對手,並贏得對方的尊重。
《巴爾扎克葬詞》
《美國的命運取決於你們》
《在答謝宴會上的祝酒詞》
《我決不迴避責任》
《美國需要新的領導人》
《我們的目標》
《哲學史概說》
《美國的哲人》
《尋求人類幸福的可能》
《就職演講》
《在巴黎英國軍事展覽會揭幕店裡上的演說》
《相信科學,相信自己——開講詞》
《開赴歐洲作戰前對士兵們得演講》
《一個遺臭萬年的日子》
《為保衛蘇聯國土而戰鬥》
《誰說敗局已定》
《對英國戰役的展望》
《出任首相後的首次演說》
《作家與戰爭》
《唯一不害怕的就是害怕》
《我邦之呼籲》
《科學的頌歌》
《印度尼西亞的控訴》
《歡欣的時刻》
《對維吉尼亞團軍官的講話》
《探索的動機》
《地球在轉動》
《論懲處陰謀家》
《不負民眾的矚望》
《極其少見的學者》
《在莎士比亞紀念日的講話》
《重振軍威》
《告別演說》
《科學要遵循人道的規律》
《讓歷史來判斷我的行動》
《對生命的熱愛》
《關於民間出版物的講話》
《在馬克思墓前的講話》
《無意的剽竊》
《在米蘭的演說》
《在蒙特話特戰役中的演講》
《在雅典法庭上的演講》
《締造並保持公正永久和平》
《在雅典法庭上的申辯》
《我們是戰無不勝的》
《人工選擇和自然選擇》
《裂開的房子》
《建設更富同情心、更有教養的國家》
《一個普通美國人的偉大之處》
《關於音樂的創作》
《“鐵與血”演講辭》
《只有民主的波蘭才能獲得獨立》
《科學萬歲》
《我對這部憲法很滿意》
《最後的演講》
《要為自由而戰鬥》
《東西方倫理思想的比較》
《強盜的戰爭》
《變化意味著什麼》
《我們所肩負的責任》
《文學巨匠的良知》
《我也是義和團》
《論生理學的基礎教育》
《在密謀石油界大聯盟會議上的講話》
《在葛底斯堡國家公墓落成典禮上的演說》
《死能迫使工人俯首聽命么》
《崇高的責任》
《關於對路易十六判刑的意見》
《維護神聖的自由火炬》
《我的一個夢想》

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